After two weeks of researching education-related issues, I conducted some assessments of the project’s feasibility and found that the issue presented some difficulties for me in terms of implementation. These difficulties were because I wished to study a group of young people aged 13–18, which could be difficult to obtain relevant support and conduct effective interviews. Therefore, I chose the issues arising from the ageing trend as the topic for the Major Project.
But, where to start?
I set my sights on China’s neighbour, Japan.
Japan is one of the first countries in the world to enter the ageing process, with 28% of its population already aged over 65. And as Asian neighbours, we share some similar habits and attitudes, which means that understanding Japan’s ageing helps me better understand possible trends in China and identify the opportunities there.
Japan’s social services system began in 1945, and it introduced universal health and pension coverage in 1961. Then in the early 1980s, a series of reforms were introduced to fully embrace an ageing society, extending social security to keep pace with the country’s economic growth. However, with the collapse of the bubble economy in the 1990s, Japan’s economy entered a prolonged recession period. Since then, Japan has struggled to ensure the sustainability of its social service system.
To provide a transparent system of protection, the Act on Social Welfare for the Elderly and the Health and Medical Services Act for the Aged were enacted. The former was to ensure that adequate special care institutions were set up for the elderly, while the latter was to change the huge financial burden of free medical care by requiring the elderly to pay a modest share of the costs.
This has led to a new crisis.
I watched two documentaries produced by the Japanese television station NHK, The Unreached Society in 2010 and Bankruptcy After Old Age in 2014. The documentaries show very directly two ageing populations in Japan, partly those who cannot connect with society and are alone, and partly those who work seriously into old age and still cannot make ends meet in finance.
Another documentary, Undercover Asia: Lonely Deaths, tells the story of elderly people in Japan who die silently at home without being found. Many of these old people see the restaurant near their homes as their only point of contact with society, and do not want to bother anyone else. The deep-rooted idea of service in Japanese culture makes it difficult for most people to ask for help. This also makes a living in this society highly stressful for most people. According to the data reality, only one-third of Japanese people consider themselves healthy and have a much lower level of life satisfaction (Author, 2011).
It is a reflection of the fact that care services alone may not meet the needs of this group of people. Most of the care community services in Japan still rely on many unpaid volunteers. However, a significant number of these volunteers are over 65 years old themselves (Iza Kavedžija, 2018).
According to research by the Asia Health and Wellbeing Initiative, three main approaches are being proposed.
1. Community-based initiatives
2. Supporting self-reliance
3. Technology and innovation
It is hoped that these three approaches will help older people in their recreation, health and finances, and reduce the waste of human resources.
At the same time, some of the articles and discussions suggest that the main reasons for Japan’s ageing are still based on the declining willingness to have children and people living longer. And when considering the issue of old age, the focus remains on those aged 65 and above. Society continues to have a stigmatised idea of particular institutions. Abuse and neglect exist by default in the care of some families, and even homicides occur (Policy, n.d.).
Only relevant events and data are listed here to understand Japan’s actions and the difficulties it is facing in the face of ageing. However, I believe that Japan’s unique cultural characteristics also have a huge impact. For example, the increasing number of Japanese youths who are addicted to the secondary genre and the lack of hope that some young people feel about life.
But it also made me realise that it is not enough to address recreational, health and economic issues in the face of ageing and that these solutions cannot rely solely on unpaid government funding. At the same time, is it not time to look beyond the age of 65 to the middle-aged who are moving into old age?
The life expectancy of the world’s population is gradually increasing, and older people living in cities often reach the age of 90 in good quality conditions. It also means that there are people who have the average life spent in retirement.
How to help them better cope with retirement, enjoy life and reduce social pressure is something I need to think about more deeply.
References
Author, N. (2011). Japanese have low “life satisfaction.” [online] The Japan Times. Available at: https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2011/05/26/national/japanese-have-low-life-satisfaction/. [Accessed 7th Jun. 2021].
Iza Kavedžija (2018). Social care Japanese style — what we can learn from the world’s oldest population. [online] The Conversation. Available at: https://theconversation.com/social-care-japanese-style-what-we-can-learn-from-the-worlds-oldest-population-96936.[Accessed 6th Jun. 2021].
Policy, H. & (n.d.). History & Policy. [online] History & Policy. Available at: https://www.historyandpolicy.org/policy-papers/papers/the-care-of-older-people-in-japan-myths-and-realities-of-family-care [Accessed 6th Jun. 2021].
